sabato 23 aprile 2011

Lewis Binford

Lewis Binford, Professor of Archaeology, passed away on April 11, 2011. I am not sure how well-known Prof. Binford is amongst the latest generation of Classical Archaeologists, but his work had a very strong impact on my development. I was first introduced to his work as a Freshman at the University of Albany, SUNY in a course “Introduction to Archaeology” and was immediately turned onto the premise that we should not simply recover and describe artifacts but we need to “interrogate” archaeological features and assemblages according to a scientific method in order to draw conclusions about human cultures. This all seems self-evident today, but when he developed his theories and, in fact, a new school of archaeology in the 1960s and 70s (called, New Archeology or Processual Archaeology), he was a revolutionary. He was not the first or last to write archaeological theory, but he certainly made archaeological theory a more important part of scholarship.

Binford was an undergraduate and graduate student at a time when archaeology was in transition. The age of Antiquarianism was on the wane as more and more scholars began to pay attention to all details of archaeological projects: careful stratigraphic excavation techniques, proper recording of trenches, features and finds, analysis of all archaeological objects. Conclusions were broadening out from descriptions of this or that building or object to discussions of “cultures”. Archaeologists used seriation to study the development of artifact assemblages and features over time; they were discussing cultural change and influence. There were also background debates about the discipline of archaeology – normally viewed as a “fun” tool for answering “higher level” anthropological or historical questions.

As he matured, Binford sought to do more and to put the discipline of Archaeology on the map. Some of his key articles are “Archaeology as Anthropology” (1962), “Archaeological Systematics and the Study of Culture Process” (1965), and “Some Comments on Historical versus Processual Archaeology” (1968). It was also in 1968 that he edited a volume with his wife Sally Binford “New Perspectives in Archeology,” the result of a conference he organized in order to demonstrate the state of the discipline. Through these and later works, he developed his ideas and I will describe the basic tenets.

Perhaps the two greatest ambitions of the New Archeology were to elucidate cultural systems and processes and to study the statics and dynamics of human cultures. Drawing from systems theory and structuralism, Binford proposed that archaeological materials can be studied in order to reveal information regarding cultural systems and sub-systems (e.g., social organization, religion, science, technology, art). Any sub-system of a given culture can affect or be affected by other sub-systems, which can lead to small or significant cultural change. Binford argued that archaeological materials can be used to effectively study non-material aspects of culture.

Linked to this, Binford sought to investigate the statics and dynamics of cultures: archaeology is the study of “static” objects and features which can reveal important information regarding the dynamics of society. For example, the examination of a stone tool (type of stone, shape, technique) can reveal technological innovations, function and so forth. Comparisons of stone tools from different times may lead to understandings in change (not only that we see type X first and then type Y). We can ask questions such as who made the tool and how? Why this particular stone quality and/or shape? What affected change in stone quality and/or shape from X to Y – greater efficiency? response to environmental change? religion? influence from another culture? “Processual change in one variable can then be shown to relate in a predictable and quantifiable way to changes in other variables, the latter changing in turn relative to changes in the structure of the system as a whole. This approach to explanation presupposes concern with process, or the operation and structural modification of systems” (Binford 1962, 217).

In order to achieve this, Binford proposed adhesion to the scientific method of beginning with explicit aims, establishing and following an approach, gathering evidence, testing hypothesis; if hypothesis is correct, it joins body of reliable knowledge upon which new hypotheses can be based, if not the researcher develops a new hypothesis to be tested. Archaeological excavation should be conducted scientifically to obtain solid data – attention to strata, recovering and documenting all features and artifacts. Computer analyses were now available as were early archaeometric techniques such as Carbon 14 dating. Because Binford was a prehistorian, his evidence was quite scarce (unlike classical archaeologists who have far more material evidence); therefore, Binford relied strongly upon ethnographic analogy. He stressed that while the study of living cultures could help interpret archaeological scenarios, he was cautious, indicating that careful testing and comparison had to be conducted and that similarities between ancient and modern patterns might not explain the past.

Binford clearly had his critics and it is amusing to read articles of his critics and his responses. One of his earliest critics, Walter W. Taylor, essentially stated in a review of “New Perspectives in Archeology” that Binford and his colleagues were not really doing anything new despite statements that they were moving away from “traditional archaeology”; Taylor wrote that the “New Archeologists” were re-hashing in a dramatic way archaeological theory which had been developed 20 years prior. One major critique was of Binford’s “covering laws”. Earlier in his career Binford maintained that human culture developed in a more or less parallel manner regardless of time and space; he set out to establish general covering laws that could explain any archaeological situation.

Binford clearly developed many ideas which archaeologists can agree with or not; most importantly he was an extremely vocal advocate of archaeological theory. Archaeologists must really set out to think about their data; they should not be content with description. In order to draw important “cultural” conclusions from a set of data, one needs to develop serious questions and approaches and must examine data in the context of the questions and approaches. Indeed, know it or not, most contemporary archaeologists follow his essential model.

When I was writing my PhD dissertation on Roman pottery, I read a lot of archaeological theory; I even co-organized a conference in Rome called “Archaeological Methods and Approaches.” At some point, I decided to write a fan letter to Prof. Binford….and he responded! He wrote that he was pleased to hear that classical archaeologists were reading his (and others’) work and were keeping a pulse on archaeological theory. He was one of the Greats - so read some of his work! 

sabato 26 febbraio 2011

February 27 - Happy birthday, Constantine

Flavius Valerius Aurelius Constantinus, better known as Constantine the Great, ruled the Roman Empire for 31 years, AD 306-337. He was the son of Constantius Chlorus and St. Helena (known for having discovered the True Cross in the Holy Land). Following his father’s death, Constantine obtained the emperorship in AD 306, serving with Maxentius, Maximinus Daia and Licinius. Civil War broke out and, with the battle of the Milvian Bridge in AD 312, Constantine and Licinius were the victors.



A champion of Christianity, Constantine legalized the religion the following year with the Edict of Milan and sponsored the construction of many churches in Rome and the Empire, including “Old Saint Peter’s”.  Among his other architectural achievements in Rome are the Arch of Constantine and the Baths of Constantine, located on the Quirinal Hill. After co-ruling the Empire for 12 years, Constantine defeated Licinius in a war in AD 324 in Asia Minor. A year later, he oversaw the Council of Nicea, where the fundamentals of Catholicism as we know it were developed. It was also at this time that the Emperor decided to build a new city. Located on the Bosphorus, the Emperor monumentalized the existing city of Byzantium, but changed the name to Nova Roma in time for its inauguration on May 11, 330 AD. Constantine died in May 337 AD and was buried in “New Rome”, better known as Constantinople, a capital city that would endure for nearly 1000 years after the original Rome fell.

Upcoming Conference on the Severus Dynasty

Dept. Art History and Studio Arts and Dept. of Humanities,
John Cabot University

Presents


The Roman Empire during the Severan Dynasty


Conference Organizer: Eric C. De Sena

Scientific Committee:
Benedetta Bessi
Thomas Govero
Jens Koehler
Luca Larpi

John Cabot University, April 15-16, 2011

Friday,  April 15, 2011, (Tiber Campus, JCU) 9:00-19:30


9:00-9:15        Introduction by Eric C. De Sena


Session I – Roman Provinces during the Severan Period

9:15-9:35        Simone Rambaldi (Università degli Studi di Bologna/ Facoltà di Conservazione dei Beni Culturali, Trapani).  L’attività edilizia romana a destinazione pubblica fra i Severi e i Soldatenkaiser: trasformazioni e continuità.
9:35-9:55        Jean-Paul Petit (Parc Archeologique europeen de Bliesbruck-Reinheim) and Sara Santoro (Università degli Studi di Chieti). Lo sviluppo del vicus Bliesbruck (Moselle, France) agli inizi del III sec. d.C. e la vitalità della Gallia Belgica mosellana nell’epoca dei Severi.
9:55-10:15      Alice Dazzi (Università degli Studi di Parma). Water works and monuments in the Severan Age: some considerations.
10:15-10:30    Giovanni Distefano, "Cartagine durante l'età Severiana".
10:30-10:50    Discussion

Coffee Break 10:50-11:10

           
11:10-11:30    Tino Lelekovic (Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts). Southern Pannonia in the time of the Severans.
11:30-11:50    Mujde Turkmen (Istanbul University). Architectural decoration of the Severan period in Pamphylia and Cilicia.
11:50-12:10    Giancarlo Germanà (Accademia di Belle Arti di Siracusa). Some observations on Sicily during the Severan Dynasty.
12:10-12:30    Daniele Malfitana (CNR – Università di Catania). Economy of Sicily during the Severan Period.
12:30-12:50    Discussion

Lunch Break 12:50-13:40


Session II – Aspects of the Economy during the Severan Period

13:40-14:00    Edoardo Radaelli (Sapienza- Università di Roma). Analisi di un riempimento fognario di età severiana dalle cosiddette “Terme di Elagabalo” a Roma.
14:00-14:20    Eszter Harsanyi (affiliation). La ceramica a vernice nera di Treviri: un prodotto di lusso nella Pannonia durante l’epoca severiana.
14:20-14:40    Viorica Rusu-Bolindet (affiliation). Supply and consumption of Samian ware in Romania Dacia during the Severan period.
14:40-15:00    Lucia Afonso (University of Buffalo, SUNY). Is there a Relationship between the Decreasing of Senators from the Iberia Peninsula and the Liberation of the Production and sale of Baetican oil for the annona during the Severan Dynasty?
15:00-15:20    José Carlos Quaresma (University of Lisbon). Economic growth in the early and middle Imperial periods, pre-200 AD: an economic approach from a peripheral province, Lusitania.
15:20-15:40    Discussion

Coffee Break 15:40-16:00


Session III – Severan History and Literature

16:00-16:20    Ivo Topalilov (University of Shumen, Bulgaria). The origo of the Thracian Praetorians in the time of Severi.
16:20-16:40    Mark Gradoni (Hood College). Parthian Campaigns of the Severan Emperors: Imperial Policy and Parthian Military Potency, 193-224 CE.
16:40-17:00    Thomas Govero (John Cabot University). Legal reforms of Ulpian.
17:00-17:20    Erik Thadeus Walters (John Cabot University). Unitas ex Africa: were Tertullian and Cyprian of Carthage unwitting architects of both Imperial and Church unification?
17:20-17:40    Adam Kemezis (University of Alberta). The Severan Sophistic? Dynastic change and continuity in Philostratus.
17:40-18:00    Discussion

Reception 18:00-19:30 – Refreshments and entertainment by the “Ninfe Dacie”




Saturday, April 16, 2011 (Location: Aula Magna, JCU)


Session IV – Severan Art, Architecture and Ideology – need to re-do this schedule

10:00-10:20    Florian Leitmir (Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek, Munich). Between tradition and innovation: the visual representation of Severan Emperors.
10:20-10:40    Stephan Faust (University of Hamburg). Ideological messages and local preferences: the imagery of the Severan Arch at Lepcis Magna.
10:40-11:00    Andrea Gariboldi (affiliation). Elagabalo invictus sacerdos: l’imperatore fanciullo e la centralizzazione del sacro attraverso lo specchio delle monete.
11:00-11:20    Luigi Pedroni (affiliation). Athena/Brigantia on an aureus of Septimius Severus.
11:20-11:40    Paola Puppo (affiliation). Vestigia architettoniche del periodo di Settimio Severo in Tunisia.
11:40-12:00    Discussion

Lunch 12:00-12:50

12:50-13:10    Guido Petruccioli (Oxford University). Dynastic commemoration in metropolitan and provincial honorific statuary of the Severans.
13:10-13:30    Maria Lloyd (University of Reading). The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman forum: a re-consideration.
13:30-13:50    Jens Koehler (John Cabot University). More water for Rome: nothing new in the Eternal City? Aqueducts, fountains and baths of the Severan Emperors.
13:50-14:10    Ottavio Bucarelli (Ponteficia Università Gregoriana). Il c.d. tempio di Serapide sul Quirinale. Topografia e archeologia dall’antichità al medioevo.
14:10-14:30    Flavia Guardascione (Università di Napoli Federico II). L’eredità dei Severi: architetture monumentali da Baiae
14:30-14:50    Discussion


14:50-15:00    CONCLUSIONS

mercoledì 15 dicembre 2010

Flood in Zalau

Last June in the midst of some of the worst weather Europe has experienced, the city of Zalau was flooded. There are news reports and YouTube videos of this disaster. Fortunately no one was injured, although there was about a meter of water at ground level. People with basements got flooded, including the Salaj County Museum of History and Art. The Museum has two primary storage areas - one above ground and one in a large basement. There had never been any problems until June 2010...

All of the artifacts stored in the basement were soiled and the Museum workers together with local volunteers, including members of the PFP Team, spent about a month washing, re-labeling and re-storing all of the artifacts. Despite the obvious difficulties, it was indeed a moment when everyone came together to help. This is the unfortunate state of cultural institutes in Romania - hardly any funding to perform an incredible mission - to investigate, document, preserve, and share the Past.




Excavators' best profile pictues???

I have spent the entire day manipulating an Excel spreadsheet full of pottery data from the Danish Academy's Nomentum Forum Project (do I detect a trend in the projects with which I am affiliated?). This is a very interesting project which is exploring the forum of the small town of Nomentum in Rome's hinterland - preliminary pottery report due these days. As an escape, this new blog post... 

When you are taking on-site photographs, it is difficult to take flattering pictures of people unless you actually ask them to pose in a certain manner and pretend to excavate. While people are working, they tend to be in various awkward positions and while you try to take the best action shots of a trench, you inevitably photograph people from behind... In a goofy moment last summer (or several goofy moments) I took intentional portraits of people where the sun doesn't usually shine.






mercoledì 8 dicembre 2010

Stilicho: Virtuous Vandal, Defender of Rome

This the introduction of an article I wrote recently about a Late Roman commander, Flavius Stilicho. Stilicho was ethnically a Vandal, but he gained the trust of Emperor Theodosius and ultimately ruled the western part of the Roman Empire for 12 years. Quite an intriguing personality. The article has been published in the memorial volume dedicated to Alexandru Matei (Horea Pop and Dan Bacuet-Crisan, editors).


“He commanded all nations looked on by the rising and setting sun” (Claudian CS I, 160-161).


I. Introduction. Late Antiquity represents one of the most complex moments in Roman history. The period between the late Severan period and the so-called fall of the Western Roman Empire witnessed a considerable amount of social, political, and military upheaval: Romans fought other Romans; Romans fought “barbarians”;[1] “barbarian” groups fought other “barbarian” groups to defend themselves or to assist Rome; Christians waged war on Paganism and amongst themselves; and so forth. This period, however, is perhaps best characterized as a time marked by existential crisis and transition. Following a long period of stability between Augustus and Septimius Severus, the inhabitants of the Roman Empire began to lose a sense of what “Rome” stood for.
Students of Roman history are well aware that the “Rome” of Late Antiquity was not the same “Rome” during the Age of Augustus. The Roman Empire was already an ethnic melting pot by the mid 2nd century AD and by the 3rd century the Army had essentially equaled or superseded the Senatus Popolusque Romanus as the chief political institution. Even prior to Caracalla’s decree in AD 212 granting citizenship to most free-born people residing within the confines of the Empire, “Romans” were ethnically German, Spanish, Libyan, Syrian, Thracian, etc. as well as Italian. By the 3rd century, the Empire began to fragment for both positive and negative reasons and Diocletian formed the Tetrarchy to counter the increasing dissent and dissolution. Despite a good concept, the Tetrarchy was not effective for very long and, coupled with the treachery and infighting that began in the 3rd century, actually prompted the net division between West and East.
            There were changes beyond the European borders of the Roman Empire as well. Following a relative peace between the Romans and native European groups in the 1st and 2nd centuries, the “barbarians” began to take advantage of the Romans’ inner struggles, putting pressure on the borders and eventually claiming pieces of the Empire. Some cultures were more hostile than others, whilst some groups became allies of Rome and even helped Rome fend off the incursions of other “barbarian” groups. Many “barbarians” joined the Roman army and learned the benefits of Roman civilization; many native elites developed amicable relationships with high-ranking Roman officials, including the Emperor. This is the context we need to bear in mind when considering the deeds and character of Stilicho, an ethnic Vandal who appears to have had a clear understanding of what “Rome” signified and what values a Roman man should follow.[2]


[1] The term “barbarian” is used for a matter of convenience and refers to both the native European cultures that co-existed with the Romans and the eastern migratory/invading populations, such as the Huns.
[2] For strong overviews of this complex period, see Bury 1923; Heather 1991.

Ethnic and 'National' Identity in ancient Rome

This is an excerpt (Conclusion) from an article that will be published soon in a volume I edited with colleague Halina Dobrzanska: E.C. De Sena and H. Dobrzanska (eds.), The Roman Empire and Beyond: Archaeological and Historical Research on the Romans and Native Cultures in Central Europe, BAR-IS (in preparation). The article is entitled "Through the Looking Glass: perceptions of ethnic and national identity in the Roman Balkans and beyond."

V. Conclusion. This paper has explored the issue of how the natives of the Roman Balkans and beyond were perceived by core Romans and how they viewed themselves in terms of ethnic and national identity. The first analysis, based primarily upon public art in Rome and the writings of Ovid and Tacitus, suggest that perceptions of the central European natives changed over time from being considered as subjects or curious savages in the Augustan Age to dignified adversaries during the reign of Trajan. At the time of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, the natives were clearly portrayed as diverse from core Romans, but were considered to be an integral part of the Empire. A similar attitude of Rome as an ethnic melting pot was maintained into the reign of Marcus Aurelius; however, the Marcomannic-Sarmatian Wars fed attitudes of hostility toward the “barbarians” beyond the Roman limes. Auxiliary troops, who represented civilized natives, are more prominent in official art at this time, indicating an attitude of acceptance of Rome’s multi-ethnic population. Clearly, public art does not provide such keen insights into how the entire population of the Urbs and Italy perceived the natives of the Balkans. The works of art reflect the attitude of the patrons and, while these media would have been reinforced by triumphal processions, public addresses and spectacles or literature, we cannot be sure how deeply accepted the messages were by the general populace. Passers-by may not have so much as glanced at the Columns and Triumphal monuments as they led their lives in Rome, let alone stopping and pondering over the figures.

The natives of the Roman Balkans and the adjacent area of Barbaricum (i.e., Hungary, Slovakia, Poland and Romania) also perceived themselves in a small variety of manners. Many native elites and other socially ambitious inhabitants of the provinces displayed Roman attributes in terms of appearance and behavior, which is discerned by a review of portraiture and, to some degree, housing. Togas and Antonine beards could not mask all ethnic features and some natives chose to wear ethnically characteristic items of clothing or adornment. Most natives both within and outside the Empire were not interested in becoming Roman and continued their traditional practices of craft production, agriculture and forms of housing. This is not readily apparent in the archaeological record of the Empire with the exception of some pottery types. A review of artifact assemblages and settlement patterns in Barbaricum, however, even at sites in close proximity of Aquincum and Porolissum, indicates that the native populations only adopted minor attributes or techniques from the Romans insofar as they could obtain modest economic benefits.

The Roman Empire was miraculous in terms of the extent, solidity and duration of its existence. What began as an oligarchic republic that controlled the western and central Mediterranean basin developed into a highly democratic and ethnically diversified state. The Romans would always seek to maintain their system of values (e.g., justice, valor, piety, self-sufficiency); however, in the Republican and early Imperial periods Romans were ethnically Italian and there was a great distinction between citizens and non-citizen natives. By the Severan period “Roman” no longer implied Italian origin and, in fact, much of the Late Roman ruling class hailed from all corners of the Empire. Even common folk must have felt a deep connection to Roman tradition and culture after two or three centuries of Roman rule. People were often proud of their homelands and, thus, maintained, their ethnic attributes, including names, clothing, items of adornment, local gods, etc. Like the vines on the Ara Pacis, these diverse groups formed the Empire. Indeed this is one of the chief factors that led to the greatness of Rome: common vision and attitudes, while accepting diversity and change.